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This book examines the dynamic process of political transition and indigenous (adat) revival in newly decentralized Indonesia. The political transition in May 1998 set the stage for the passing of Indonesia’s framework decentralization laws. These laws include both political and technocratic efforts to devolve authority from the centre (Jakarta) to the peripheries. Contrary to expectations, enhanced public participation often takes the form of adat revivalism - a deliberate, highly contested and contingent process linked to intensified political struggles throughout the Indonesian archipelago. The author argues adat is aligned with struggles for recognition and remedial rights, including the right to autonomous governance and land. It cannot be understood in isolation, nor can it be separated from the wider world.
Based on original fieldwork and using case studies from Sulawesi to illustrate the key arguments, this book provides an overview of the key analytical concepts and a concise review of relevant stages in Indonesian history. It considers struggles for rights and recognition, focusing on regulatory processes and institutional control. Finally, Tyson examines land disputes and resource conflicts. Regional and local conflicts often coalesce around forms of ethnic representation, which are constantly being renegotiated, along with resource allocations and entitlements, and efforts to preserve or reinvent cultural identities.
This will be valuable reading for students and researchers in Political Studies, Development Studies, Anthropology and Southeast Asian Studies and Politics.
- Sales Rank: #10910901 in Books
- Published on: 2010-07-30
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.25" h x 6.25" w x .75" l, 1.05 pounds
- Binding: Hardcover
- 224 pages
About the Author
Adam D. Tyson is a Lecturer at the College of Law, Government and International Studies (COLGIS), University of Northern Malaysia.
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Review Essay
By Michael Buehler
© Pacific Affairs: Volume 85, No. 1 March 2012
Identifying Patterns in the
Accumulation and Exercise
of Power in post-New Order
Indonesia
Review Essay
THE ROAD FROM AUTHORITARIANISM TO DEMOCRATIZATION
IN INDONESIA. By Paul J. Carnegie. New York: Palgrave
Macmillan, 2010. xx, 171 pp. (Maps.) US$85.00, cloth. ISBN 978-0-230-
10242-2.
DECENTRALIZATION AND REGIONAL AUTONOMY IN
INDONESIA: Implementation and Challenges. Edited by Coen
Holtzappel and Martin Ramstedt. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian
Studies, 2009. xxviii, 432 pp. (Maps, illus.) US$79.90, cloth. ISBN 978-
981-230-820-7.
DECENTRALIZATION AND ADAT REVIVALISM IN INDONESIA:
The Politics of Becoming Indigenous. Rethinking Southeast Asia. By
Adam D. Tyson. London; New York: Routledge, 2010. xiv, 210 pp. (Illus.)
US$130.00, cloth. ISBN 978-0-415-78011-7.
Abstract
The implosion of the New Order in 1998 led to a more democratic
political system in Indonesia with elections at all levels of government.
A year later, Indonesia also embarked on an ambitious decentralization
program that initiated a fundamental restructuring of the country's
political institutions on a scale unprecedented since the 1960s. Yet,
scholars are still trying to identify clear patterns in the accumulation
and exercise of power in this new political environment.
One of the main challenges for students of Indonesian politics
over the past decade has been to identify broad patterns in
the accumulation and exercise of power in this new political. Since the state was the main political force during the
Suharto dictatorship, analysts of Indonesian politics have been debating
for the past decade whether the state continues to dominate politics or
whether power has become more dispersed, with social forces starting to
play a more prominent role. The concentration and dispersion of state
power is also the overarching theme of the three books under review here.
Towards democratic consolidation?
Paul J. Carnegie explores the forces that have shaped Indonesian politics
over the past decade in The Road from Authoritarianism to Democratization
in Indonesia. The first chapter provides a brief overview of theories on
transition and consolidation and the role they assign to human agency
and socio-economic structures in shaping democratization. The aim
of the book, outlined in chapter 2, is to bridge these differing views
by examining how "political actors, old and new, transform structural
circumstances into resources for change by selectively drawing upon
symbolic narratives to form a grammar of political action" (43).
Subsequent chapters examine how political elites shaped Indonesia's
transition by making use of cultural, historical and primordial narratives
and symbols, many of which are rooted in deeper structures of Indonesian
society. Comparing the 1955 and 1999 elections, Carnegie argues in
chapter 3 that parties referred to the same societal cleavages (aliran)
in order to win votes in the 1999 elections as in the 1950s. The rise of
Islamic parties also shows that new forces entered the political arena.
The argument brought forward in Chapter 4 is that the re-emergence
of political Islam has injected much-needed electoral competition
into the political system. The rise of Islamic parties is the result of a
growing middle class, Carnegie argues in chapter 5. If established parties
want to remain competitive they have to find a political language that
appeals to this "new composition of Indonesian society" (103). Yet, as
the author shows in chapter 6, many parties are not only struggling to
make themselves meaningful because they do not speak the language
of the electorate but also because they are at risk of becoming the
personal vehicles of entrenched strongmen who revert to populism to
gain political terrain. Still, the influence of "old elites" in post-New Order
Indonesia is somewhat exaggerated. The new institutional environment
has forced political elites to adjust their political strategies and not all of
them have been successful in doing so, as shown in chapter 7. In short,
Indonesia's democracy is far from perfect but the new political system is
qualitatively different from the New Order era. Political actors have had
to adjust the manner in which they remember and imagine their roles in
order to appeal to a mass audience.
New dynamics or politics as usual?
The broad findings of Carnegie's work are taken up and developed
further in an edited volume by Holtzappel and Ramstedt. In
Decentralization and Regional Autonomy in Indonesia: Implementation and
Challenges, the editors assembled almost 20 authors to look at the impact
of decentralization on various aspects of governance between 1999 and
2004. In the introduction, Coen J.G. Holtzappel presents an overview of
the variegated changes in the regional governance framework between
1999 and 2004. The following nine chapters then look at various aspects
of Indonesia's decentralization. Adi Abidin presents several studies on
how districts and municipalities manage their new responsibilities and
finds that the influence of the central state continues to loom large in
local politics. Widjajanti Suharyo shows how the public has become more
involved in a decentralized political system but continues to face serious
obstacles. Bert Hofman, Kai Kaiser and Gunther G. Schulze examine
the relationship between decentralization and corruption and show
under what conditions political devolution may increase transparency
and accountability. J. Endi Rukmo looks at shortcomings in the
decentralization laws that may obstruct the work of newly empowered
local parliamentarians. Mohammad Sadli and David Ray show how the
regulatory burden for businesses has increased between 1999 and 2004.
Henry Sandee also examines local business climates but does so from
the perspective of local governments. He shows how decentralization has
created new opportunities for the local state to attract business. Bambang
Brodjonegoro shows in his contribution that fiscal decentralization
is not a panacea for improving the financial situation of localities.
Finally, Peter J. M. Nas's account of the origin and development of the
Indonesian municipality since colonial times concludes the first part of
the book. The second part of the book offers a bottom-up perspective on
decentralization through several case studies. Dibyo Prabowo explores
how decentralization has shifted the balance in favour of ordinary
people in struggles over land rights in Central Sulawesi. Edwin de Jong
dissects power dynamics in Tanah Toraja, and explains why rifts between
traditional leaders and political elites have become more visible in South
Sulawesi since 1999. Franz von Benda-Beckmann and Keebet von Benda-
Beckmann show in their study of village politics in West Sumatra that
the new institutional framework has not only decentralized power down
from the national level but also taken away powers from the villages.
Martin Ramstedt looks at Bali, one of the most developed provinces
in the archipelago, to argue that even if local state capacity is well
developed, decentralization does not automatically succeed. Politicians
on the island have come to support narrow understandings of belonging
instead of expanding notions of citizenship. Syafrinaldi's account of local
dynamics in Riau province shows how decentralization has facilitated
the exploration of intellectual resources of the local population. Finally,
Cynthia Chou looks at how newly empowered local governments in Riau
have started to re-arrange and standardize resource exploitation, and
what the impacts were on the livelihoods of sea nomads living in the
province's waters.
State-society relations in local politics
The impact of democratization and decentralization on ordinary
Indonesians' lives also features prominently in Adam Tyson's monograph
Decentralization and Adat Revivalism in Indonesia: The Politics of Becoming
Indigenous. The author examines adat revivalism in Indonesia in relation
to concepts such as administration, indigeneity and power through case
studies from South and West Sulawesi. In chapter 2, he examines the
various ways in which adat has been interpreted and applied from the
pre-colonial period to the present and shows that customary law usually
served ulterior motives. Studying how adat is constructed therefore
reveals local power relations. Interestingly, in all the cases Tyson
examined, the revival of adat occurred in a top-down manner. Both
district heads and local parliamentarians implemented adat laws without
consulting the broader population. In fact, claims for recognition were
"officialized" through issuing local regulations on adat and promoting
folkloristic "cultural events." Local political elites successfully managed
to neutralize resource claims this way by channeling political dissent into
"the patterned regularity of the state" (60).
Against this backdrop, Tyson asks the question in chapter 4 of
whether the international development industry and its affiliated nongovernmental
organizations (NGOs) are more receptive to popular
participation. He critically evaluates two programs that the United
Kingdom's Department for International Development (DFID)
implemented together with local NGOs in North Luwu district. The
conceptualization of adat in these projects was more receptive for
input from the broader population, Tyson thinks, but the version of
adat purported by these international organizations had very little in
common with the actual content of local traditional law or systems of
customary governance. Chapter 5 contains a detailed account of the
debate in Tanah Toraja district surrounding primordial political and
social orders. Youth groups (pemuda adat) situated at the fringes of the
political system have come to use the "politics of tradition" to challenge
the dominant order by pushing for the reintroduction of traditional,
pre-colonial political units (lembang). Once again, however, the local
government in Tanah Toraja managed to steer the discourse about
indigeneity in directions that "do not challenge existing relations of
power and economic interests in the district" (96).
The final two substantive chapters explore the politicization of
customary governance in the context of competition over resource
control. Chapter 6 contains an account of the struggle between PT
Inco, a foreign mining company, and local populations in East Luwu
district. For decades, PT Inco has been confronted with accusations of
unlawful land appropriation, but such challenges flared up after 1998.
PT Inco's official reaction, Tyson shows, was the activation of an armada
of "sophisticated corporate public relations and mediation teams
[that...] work to undermine the unity of local actors and confound
them by questioning the legitimacy and viability of adat as a system
of governance" (102). In addition to promoting an apolitical view of
adat, the mining company has--in ways that smack of corruption--
encouraged local bureaucrats to establish administrative hurdles for
groups struggling for recognition under customary law. Local groups
were similarly unsuccessful in a land dispute between London Sumatra
Limited rubber plantation estates and indigenous groups that started
in Bulukumba district in the early 1980s. In a landmark ruling in the
mid-1990s, local farmer communities received-- a rarity then and now--
recognition at the highest level when the Indonesian Supreme Court
ruled that London Sumatra Limited had illegally appropriated land.
However, the implementation of the court ruling that was upholding and
endorsing customary land tenure was delayed for more than a decade
due to a combination of bureaucratic inefficiency, incompetence and
a lack of political will. Ethnic "entrepreneurs" exploited the insecurity
among local farmer communities that resulted from this government
inertia and quickly found a way to turn the local adat discourse to their
own financial advantage by making false claims over contested land only
to sell it to local farmers later on. The book's main conclusion is that new
players have reinvigorated the adat discourse but failed to fundamentally
transform local power constellations.
The concentration and dispersion of state power
The books under review offer several valuable insights on the
accumulation and exercise of power in post-New Order Indonesia. For
instance, all authors provide ample evidence for the continuing dominance
of the state in politics. The important role official ordinances and statutes
play in the "politics of recognition" and adat discourses is emblematic of
the continuing integration of power within the bureaucracy. Furthermore,
the main nodes of power continue to be under the control of political
elites that rose to power during the dictatorship. Decentralization has
failed to fundamentally empower citizens.
Yet, the books also show that change is happening in Indonesia even
if only incrementally. Carnegie, for instance, shows how politicians
had to acquire new ways of communication to sustain power in a mass
democracy. Several contributors to the Holtzappel and Ramstedt book
even claim that genuinely new political elites emerged and started to
become more vocal. Arguably, such new forces are broadening the
political arena even if they fail to fundamentally change the ways in
which power is distributed within it.
Against the backdrop of the dynamics described in the three books
under review here, it seems that the main research question students of
post-New Order politics have to answer is why state-society relations are
changing in a top-down manner across the archipelago despite the absence
of fundamental elite turnover or the rearrangement of class structures?
My tentative answer would be that relations within governing elites are
the main driver of political change in contemporary Indonesia and not
classes, individuals or societal groups. Change in state-society relations
has unfolded (and arguably continues to do so) along the following lines:
Recruitment, promotion and retirement mechanisms in the New Order
state were upward oriented and therefore ultimately regulated by President
Suharto. This system created and maintained a certain unity within state
elites. The New Order, in other words, was exerting authoritarian pressure
along horizontal lines as effectively as it was suppressing non-governing
elites and ordinary citizens along vertical lines.
In order to politically survive the chaotic months following the
implosion of the dictatorship in 1998, governing elites had to adopt
various institutional changes, including the introduction of elections
and the decentralization of political authority. These measures created
a more competitive political environment within governing elites and
deregulated the capacity to extract resources.
The conflicts that ensued from this modicum of competition disrupted
ties within governing elites. As competition re-ordered the once relatively
stable political structure, governing elites were facing new challenges
to reproduce their social positions. With horizontal tensions mounting,
the formation of new alliances became both possible and necessary. To
find allies and support for their battles with one another, governing
elites started to `reach-out' and `reach-down' in the political arena.
Consequently, new alliances have emerged within governing elites as well
as between governing elites and non-governing elites/ordinary citizens.
The creation of such alliances may have allowed governing elites to
defend their social position overall, but concessions made during these
struggles with one another have come to limit governing elites in new and
significant ways, some of which are described in the three books under
review here. Overall, by competing against each other, `old' New Order
elites have been changing state-society relations in spite of themselves.
Despite aforementioned important contributions, the books leave
several questions unanswered. For instance, how do power dynamics
within the state look like? For all their emphasis on the continuing
importance of the state, most contributions actually focus primarily on
societal groups. A discussion of the state in less isomorphic tones would
have provided readers with a clearer picture of whether the state indeed
continues to dominate or if, in fact, societal forces have come to rule
through the state in certain parts of the archipelago. In this respect,
it would also have been interesting to learn more about the impact of
symbols on the relationship between state elites and societal groups.
When and under what circumstances, for example, does "the state"
manage to use symbols that reinforce its power and when does it fail to coopt
societal groups? Have "policy programs" of recent years, such as the
implementation of syariah regulations in districts and provinces that are
a manifestation of this "new political grammar," helped to co-opt extrastatal
groups or have they strengthened local social organizations at the
state's expense?2 Finally, do current patterns of power accumulation really
indicate a lack of change in Indonesian politics or are they actually a firststep
towards more meaningful democratization? The shortcomings of the
Holtzappel and Ramstedt book in addressing these questions are most
immediately obvious. Almost all contributors hail from the development
industry and therefore equate "change" with "successful service delivery."
A broader understanding of change would have provided more insights,
however. Both Carnegie's and Tyson's book show nicely how change or
the expansion and contraction of political space in Indonesia is ongoing
and occurs in a non-linear fashion.
Political scientists working within the mainstream discipline will find
the lack of theoretical contributions in these books to questions about why,
where and under what circumstances political space in post-authoritarian
political systems is expanding or shrinking, disappointing. At the same
time, regional specialists may criticize the lack of new empirical material
in Carnegie's contribution as well as in the Holtzappel and Ramstedt
volume. Carnegie's book, for instance, is overtly descriptive and merely
chronicles events since 1998. Other scholars have also published some
of Carnegie's observations before in a more theoretically grounded and
more comprehensive manner. For instance, the continuing importance
of aliran in voting behaviour has been documented already in 2003.
Likewise, various scholars have shown in recent years that the political
competition ensuing from the rise of Islamic parties has already
subsided.4 Islamist parties have become entangled in corruption scandals
and patronage networks which has greatly undermined their legitimacy.5
The Holtzappel and Ramstedt volume looks equally "dated" since most
of the chapters are, in fact, donor reports written for the development
industry in the early 2000s that were simply `repackaged' for publication
in this volume. Hence, many of the trends and developments examined
in the book are no longer relevant due to legal and institutional changes
in recent years.
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